[[1]]. P. Brown, Augustine of Hippo (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1967), 425-6. Cf. Possidius, vita Augustini (ed. Pellegrino) 28.11, "non erit magnus magnum putans quod cadunt ligna et lapides, et moriuntur mortales."

[[2]]. Brown 31 and 31n4.

[[3]]. Brown 39.

[[4]]. Paula Fredriksen, "Augustine and his analysts: The possibility of a psychohistory," Soundings 51(1978), 206-27 at 214.

[[5]]. If it seems impolite to speak in these terms, it must be borne in mind that Brown himself some years later ("The Saint as Exemplar in Late Antiquity," Representations 1[1983] 1-25) chose to describe the history of his study of the 'holy man' before and after his seminal paper "The Rise and Function of the Holy Man in Late Antiquity," Journal of Roman Studies 61(1971), 80-101, in terms of shifts in his own personal allegiances to schools of psychoanalytic therapy.

[[6]]. Hugh Pope, Saint Augustine of Hippo: essays dealing with his life and times and some features of his work (Garden City NY: Doubleday, 1961).

[[7]]. St. Augustine of Hippo: Life and Controversies (London: SCM Press, 1963).

[[8]]. And there with formulaic intonation: "the most formidable of the Pelagian apologists" (p. 139), "the last and most formidable of the Pelagian controversialists" (p. 154) and gives him no very favorable treatment in doctrinal discussions ("one of the tragic figures of the Pelagian controversy . . . an arrogance of a most unattractive nature" (p. 347).

[[9]]. Plotinus, The Enneads, trans. Stephen MacKenna, fourth ed. revised by B.S Page (London: Faber, 1969).

[[10]]. Porphyrios und Augustin (Schriften der Königsberger gelehrten Gesellschaft, 10.1: Halle 1933) 2..

[[11]]. Plotin et l'Occident (Louvain: "Spicilegium Sacrum Lovaniense" Bureaux, 1934) 137-39.

[[12]]. The two Latin words here cited in contradistinction probably come, in Henry's mind, from Conf. 7.20.26, "ut distinguerem quid interesset inter praesumptionem et confessionem"; see my comm. ad loc. (J.J. O'Donnell, Augustine: Confessions [Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1992] 2.473-4) for a few other places where the two words occur together.

[[13]]. "Sur les dernières paroles de saint Augustin," Revue des études anciennes 46 (1944) 205-7.

[[14]]. Comm. on Conf. 2.424n22.

[[15]]. Comm. (cf. n. 16) 1.xlviii.

[[16]]. Robert A. Markus, The End of Ancient Christianity (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1990) 85.

[[17]]. Esp. Brown pp. 107-109.

[[18]]. Book 7 of Conf. led him to a kind of philosophy, and it is certainly fair to the narrative there to see Book 8 as, in a way, bringing Augustine to the philosophical goal he sought; and if I am right in reading through the few scanty fragments that survive to us of Ambrose's work de philosophia sive de sacramento regenerationis as a challenge to Christians to become philosophers in just this way (though Brown does not discuss that specific influence), then the aptness is fortified.

[[19]]. Brown 113.

[[20]]. D.M. Halperin, Saint Foucault (New York and Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1995), now addresses some of these questions as they apply to a near-contemporary figure, but with interesting implications for study of more remote periods. In another way, A. Momigliano, The Development of Greek Biography (Cambridge MA: Harvard University Press, 1993: expanded edition; originally, 1971), opens and closes his study of the emergence of the form with reflections on its curious strengths and weaknesses.

[[21]]. Think of the Biblia Augustiniana or the Specimina eines Lexikon Augustinianum or the Handschriftliche Überlieferung der Werke des Heiligen Augustinus.

[[22]]. Secundinus, ep. Sec. 3 quoted in c. Sec.; Vincent, in Aug. ep. 93.13.51; Consentius, ep. 12*1.

[[23]]. Possidius pioneers the school of writing, of course, that remains dependent on and faithful to the Confessions.

[[24]]. We must be cautious about our superciliousness in judging the Manichees here. Accusations made against Christianity on grounds of credulousness and inconsistency may well have had more force in comparison to the Christianity of Tagaste or Carthage than they did in sophisticated Milan. Assuming that "Christianity" was always and everywhere the same, even when it was "orthodox", can be a great and confusing error for scholars.

[[25]]. I will add here that the argument I make ad loc. and elsewhere in my commentary, to the effect that Book 8 of Conf. is a vital link in the acquisition of an adequate appreciation of Christology, depends on our insisting that there be a conversion in matters of incarnation and succeeds, if it does, in part by observing that there has hitherto been no satisfactory identification of just where and when incarnation becomes a doctrine that Augustine accepts. For purposes of my present argument, if we need Augustine converted, then my former argument is very strong; if we do not need him converted, then my former argument reveals its true colors in a useful way.

[[26]]. See my comm. (cf. n. 16) 1.xxxviii-xl.

[[27]]. Comm. (cf. n. 16) 2.475.

[[28]]. If we accept the claim of skeptical readers from Courcelle onwards that Paul was not a strong presence in Milan, then we are already moving away from the narrative of conversion as we have it.

[[29]]. As Brown 307 notes: heretics are to be attacked savagely, but not so Plotinus and Porphyry, who stimulate A. to his finest thought. By contrast, our contemporary view at least would be that heresy and schism (Pelagian and Donatist in particular) stimulated Augustine to some of his less successful flights of argument.

[[30]]. Neil McLynn, Ambrose of Milan (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1994), is in many ways the most important new book about Augustine in many years, for the most part by implication rather than explicit statement, and should have deep impact on our view of both figures.

[[31]]. beata v. 1.4, from Cassiciacum, still rebukes the version of religion that he held when he first came upon the Manichees with this charge.

[[32]]. Augustine's epistolary history and strategies are too little studied. For his encounter with Jerome, we have R. Hennings, Der Briefwechsel zwischen Augustinus und Hieronymus (Leiden: E.J. Brill, 1994), and there is some service to be gotten from F. Morgenstern, Die Briefpartner des Augustinus von Hippo (Bochum: Universitätsverlag Dr. N. Brockmeyer, 1993), but other studies (notably T.P. Carpino, Paolino di Nola: Epistole ad Agostino [Naples: LER, 1989] and the older study of M. Moreau, Le Dossier Marcellinus [Paris: Études Augustiniennes 1973]) are far more interested in history and philology than in the subtle commerce of epistolary society; apart from isolated aper‡us in the collective volume Les lettres de saint Augustin découvertes par Johannes Divjak (Paris: études Augustiniennes, 1983), the best work on the topic of epistolary construction of society in late antiquity is S. Rebenich, Hieronymus und sein Kreis (Stuttgart: F. Steiner, 1992).

[[33]]. Hennings (cf. n. 35) 32-34: neither text survives.

[[34]]. See my comm. (cf. n. 16) 1.xlii and Augustinian Studies 26(1995) 215ff for G. Lawless' demurral on this point and my response.

[[35]]. I have spoken on this theme in "The Authority of Augustine," 1991 St. Augustine Lecture in Villanova University (Augustinian Studies 22[1991] 7-35), emphasizing that the writerly authority of Augustine runs well beyond the limits of the civitas of Hippo Regius, to which his formal ecclesiastical authority was confined.

[[36]]. A full study of the career of Augustine the writer -- no such thing has been attempted since A.'s own retractationes -- would also divagate at some length on de civitate dei, a work marked by a deliberately traditionalist style and range of reference. Macedonius, the vicar of Africa in 413/4, responded to that work in terms that shows a conventional reader's response: "Explicui tuos libros; neque enim tam languidi aut inertes erant, ut me aliud quam se curare paterentur: iniecerunt manum, ereptumque aliis solicitudinum causis suis vinculis illigarunt ..., ut ego anceps sim quid in illis magis mirer, sacerdotii perfectionem, philosophiae dogmata, historiae plenam notitiam, an facundiae iucunditatem." (ep. 154.2).

[[37]]. Here and often in this paper, I do no more than pursue lines of thought broken open by Mark Vessey in, e.g., his "Jerome's Origen: The Making of a Christian Literary Persona", Studia Patristica XXVIII (Leuven: Peeters Press, 1993), 135-45; "Conference and Confession: Literary Pragmatics in Augustine's 'Apologia contra Hieronymum'", Journal of Early Christian Studies 1 (1993), 175-213. See also L. Jardine, Erasmus: Man of Letters (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1993), for the way Erasmus both shaped the patristic past (by his life of Jerome based on the letters, chronologically arranged) and shaped his own reputation in their image as letter-writer and promoter, with Vessey, "Erasmus' Jerome: The Publishing of a Christian Author," Erasmus of Rotterdam Yearbook 14(1994) 62-99.

[[38]]. We now have Augustine the Reader (Cambridge MA: Harvard University Press, 1996) from Brian Stock.

[[39]]. Similarly, Carl Lachmann's edition of Lessing virtually created the figure we know, bringing together in one collection all Lessing's known writings, including many ephemera that had otherwise languished unread for decades since his death. See Harald Weigel, Nur was du nie gesehn wird ewig dauern: Carl Lachmann und die Entstehung der wissenschaftlichen Edition (Freiburg: Rombach, 1989).

[[40]]. F. Van Der Meer, Augustine the Bishop (London: Sheed and Ward, 1961; orig. ed. in Dutch 1949).

[[41]]. C. acad. is noteworthy for the way it does not so much confound the Academics as accept their critique of traditional philosophy and then offer to transcend it with the forcing move of Christian illumination; but Augustine would not be one-half so interesting to modern philosophers from Wittgenstein to Derrida by way of Heidegger and Ricoeur were he not in many respects a lifelong sharer of their mistrust of ordinary human language and its strategies, for all that he was a master in their deployment.

[[42]]. By this I do not quite mean what Courcelle meant when he thought he saw "Manichean reflexes" still with Augustine at Milan (Les Confessions de saint Augustin dans la tradition littéraire [Paris: Études Augustiniennes 1963] 17ff) or again what Elizabeth Clark pursues in her "Vitiated Seeds and Holy Vessels: Augustine's Manichaean Past," in her Ascetic Piety and Women's Faith: Essays in Late Ancient Christianity (Lewiston/Queenston, NY: Edwin Mellen Press, 1986): 291-349, for both of those writers share the view of Augustine and of Julian, that much is at stake if one can successfully prosecute the charge of "Manichee" against Augustine at some date past his formal dissociation from the sect. I would rather emphasize the patterns and structures of thought that Augustine retained in good conscience: the very fact, for example, of placing prime importance on the question 'unde malum', whatever the answer he gave, is a sign of that continuity.

[[43]]. The devotee of free will, that is, who had to demolish parts of himself and his past in order to oppose the excesses he descried in Pelagius, Caelestius, Julian, and others. That self-deconstruction is perhaps the most important story to be told of the old Augustine: no "hardening", as those who have read Brown like to think, but the radical reconstruction of thought of a man forced to turn on himself and his past in order to defend his present.

[[44]]. I should say that I mean "post-modern" here as no prescription or sect, but as I read Lyotard especially the term is a plain and simple description of what we have, all of us, become, volens nolens. Post-modern man is what we most fear to be, for very good reason: because we have no choice in the matter.

[[45]]. Perler 1969 is a meticulous guide to Augustine's movements and evokes some of the flavor of his Africa.

[[46]]. For readers seeking to consult this essay as a source of information or to refresh memories, I supply here a few key dates in Augustine's life.

Brown 1967 is so masterful a narrative that I have annotated only specific references and matters where Brown's book might not serve as an adequate guide. The freshest recent recounting of Augustine's life is Wills 1999, with especially fresh and effective translations from Augustine. I have written at length on many of the issues here in my commentary on the Confessions (O'Donnell 1992).

[[47]]. But he had been thinking about it for fifteen years: Ep. 143.2-3.

[[48]]. Englished as Retractations, trans. Bogan 1968.

[[49]]. Never translated to my knowledge; Latin text available in Miscellanea Agostiniana 1930, 2.149-233.

[[50]]. In the last two decades, two precious finds have added to the corpus. Johannes Divjak brought to light over two dozen letters never before published and Fran‡ois Dolbeau a like number of sermons. Best approach to the new letters is Divjak 1987, in the series Bibliothèque Augustinienne, vol. 46B, with text, French translation, and notes; English translation by Eno 1989. The sermons have been published as Dolbeau 1996, translated by Edmund Hill (New Hyde Park, NY: New City Press, 1998).

[[51]]. The French Bibliothèque Augustinienne (described in the text here: now published by the Institut des études augustiniennes in approximately four dozen volumes) has come closest, but is now being rivaled by the English "A Translation for the Twenty-First Century," under the general editorship of John Rotelle, OSA, but both sets are far from complete at the present writing.

[[52]]. On this period and the gap between Augustine's imagination and Pelagius's teachings, see Wermelinger 1975.

[[53]]. Courcelle 1963, 559-607.

[[54]]. Hennings 1994.

[[55]]. Dyson 1998 is the newest version; Brown 1967, pp. 287-329, is still the best introduction to the circumstances of writing.

[[56]]. That familiarity lubricates our reading of De civitate Dei: a little less familiarity might bring greater understanding, howbeit at the price of greater effort. The notion of "pagan", making no sense except as a Christian theological category, hurries us into thinking in ways quite alien to the period. See O'Donnell 1979.

[[57]]. Frend 1985 is still the best connected narrative of the sect's history but is marked by a certain partisanship that must be kept in mind.

[[58]]. Books 10-13 of the Confessions (see O'Donnell 1992 passim) show Augustine struggling with the role he had undertaken and the inadequacies he felt.

[[59]]. The skeptics represent the breadth of Augustine's polemical opponents: Secundinus the Manichee (object of Augustine's Contra Secundinum), Pelagius (described reacting to Conf. 10 at De dono persev. 20.53), Vincent the Rogatist (Ep. 93.13.51), and Julian of Eclanum.

[[60]]. The Manichee was Secundinus (epistula Secundini 3 ž transmitted with Augustine's C. Sec.), the renegade Donatist Vincentius (see previous note).

[[61]]. Lepelley 1987.

[[62]]. McLynn 1994 is a first-rate study and in many ways the best new book on Augustine in many years.

[[63]]. Augustine wrote, in the habit of that period, books of the "liberal arts" during that winter and spring of 387, books meant to purify the mind from earthly matters by showing it the eternal patterns through which to ascend from language to number to the heavens and then to peace beyond. See Hadot 1984.

[[64]]. Serm. 355.

[[65]]. Ep. 21.

[[66]]. On the Freudian reading and misreading of the Confessions and of Augustine, see O'Donnell 1992, 1.xxx-xxxi, esp. n. 32. The best modern essay on the topic is Fredriksen 1978.

[[67]]. See O'Daly 1987.

[[68]]. See Meijering1979 and Sorabji 1983.

[[69]]. Conf. 7.9.13 and see O'Donnell 1992 ad loc.

[[70]]. Courcelle 1950; see O'Donnell 1992 on Conf. 7.9.13 for a summary of the issues.

[[71]]. Op. Imp. 6.41.

[[72]]. Possidius, Vita Augustini 31

[[73]]. Bibliography
      Brown 1967: Peter Brown, Augustine of Hippo (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1967)
      Courcelle 1950: Pierre Courcelle, Recherches sur les Confessions de saint Augustin (Paris: Boccard, 1950).
      Courcelle 1963: Pierre Courcelle, Les Confessions de saint Augustin dans la tradition littéraire (Paris: Études Augustiniennes, 1963)
      Divjak 1987: Johannes Divjak, ed., Oeuvres de saint Augustin: Lettres 1*-29* (Paris: Études Augustiniennes, 1987).
      Dolbeau 1996: F. Dolbeau, Augustin d'Hippone: Vingt- six sermons au peuple d'Afrique(Paris: Institut d'études Augustiniennes, 1996)
      Dyson 1998: R.W. Dyson, trans., Augustine: The City of God Against the Pagans (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1998)
      Eno 1989: Robert B. Eno, trans., Saint Augustine: Letters 1*-29* (Washington, DC: The Catholic University of America Press, 1989)
      Bogan 1968: M.I. Bogan, trans., Saint Augustine: Retractations (Washingdon, DC: The Catholic University of America Press, 1958)
      Fredriksen 1978: Paula Fredriksen, "Augustine and His Analysts," Soundings 51(1978) 206-27
      Frend 1985: W.H.C. Frend, The Donatist Church (Oxford: The Clarendon Press, 1985 [3rd edition])
      Hadot 1984: I. Hadot, Arts libéraux et philosophie dans la pensée antique (Paris: études Augustiniennes, 1984)
      Hennings 1994: R. Hennings, Der Briefwechsel zwischen Augustinus und Hieronymus und ihr Streit um den Kanon des Alten Testaments und die Auslegung von Gal. 2, 11-14 (Leiden: Brill, 1994)
      Hill (forthcoming): Edmund Hill, translation of the Latin texts from Dolbeau 1996, to appear in the series The Works of Saint Augustine: A Translation for the 21st Century (Hyde Park, NY: New City Press).
      Lepelley 1987: C. Lepelley, "Spes saeculi: Le milieu social d'Augustin et ses ambitions séculières avant sa conversion," Congresso Internazionale su S. Agostino nel XVI. Centenario della Conversione (Rome 1987) 1.99-117
      McLynn 1994: N. McLynn, Ambrose of Milan (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1994)
      Meijering 1979: E.P. Meijering, Augustin über Schöpfung, Ewigkeit und Zeit : das elfte Buch der Bekenntnisse (Leiden: Brill, 1979)
      Miscellanea Agostiniana 1930: Miscellanea Agostiniana: Testi e Studi (Rome: Vatican City Press, 1930)
      O'Daly 1987: G.J.P. O'Daly, Augustine's Philosophy of Mind (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1987)
      O'Donnell 1979: J.J. O'Donnell, "The Demise of Paganism," Traditio 35(1979) 45-88
      O'Donnell 1992: J.J. O'Donnell, Augustine: Confessions (Oxford: The Clarendon Press, 1992 [3 volumes])
      Perler 1969: O. Perler, Les voyages de saint Augustin (Paris: Études Augustiniennes, 1969)
      Sorabji 1983: R. Sorabji, Time, creation, and the continuum: theories in antiquity and the early middle ages (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1983)
      Wermelinger 1975: O. Wermelinger, Rom und Pelagius: die theologische Position der römischen Bischöfe im pelagianischen Streit in den Jahren 411-432 (Stuttgart: Hiersemann, 1975)
      Wills 1999: G. Wills, Saint Augustine (New York: Viking/Penguin, 1999)
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